[Announce] An essay against war
Robert Waldrop
bwaldrop at cox.net
Sat Jun 3 10:22:42 PDT 2006
The essay below is by a conservative evangelical,
who writes clearly and compellingly about the
bankruptcy of war and its contradictions of
Christianity. It is a source of great sorrow to
me that the Catholic bishops of this nation can
produce nothing even remotely similar to this.
Bob Waldrop, Romero House, Oklahoma city
Christianity and the War
by Laurence M. Vance
http://www.lewrockwell.com/vance/vance81.ht
This talk was delivered, at the request of
Congressman Ron Paul, to Republican and Democratic
staff aides of the US House of Representatives in
Washington, DC, on May 25, 2006.
Never in my life did I ever think that I would
find myself agreeing with Senator Ted Kennedy on
anything. But what he recently said about the war
in Iraq is right on:
In his march to war, President Bush exaggerated
the threat to the American people. It was not
subtle. It was not nuanced. It was pure,
unadulterated fear-mongering, based on a devious
strategy to convince the American people that
Saddam's ability to provide nuclear weapons to Al
Qaeda justified immediate war.
I find myself agreeing with more and more
Democrats now-a-days, at least in their criticisms
of the Bush administration's Iraq policy.
Democratic Representative John Murtha, a decorated
Vietnam War veteran, has called for the pullout of
U.S. troops from Iraq, labeling the president's
Iraq policy "a flawed policy wrapped in illusion."
Another Democrat, Representative Dennis Kucinich,
has strongly criticized the president for being
responsible for the death and destruction that has
taken place in Iraq.
Are these Democratic criticisms of the president
just the result of the usual partisan politics
that we see everyday on the House and Senate
floor? Perhaps. I suspect that the Republicans
would be leveling the same criticisms of the war
as the Democrats if it was a Democratic president
that had launched this war.
But politics or no politics - the war in Iraq is
an unconstitutional, unnecessary, immoral,
senseless, unjust, and unscriptural undertaking.
It is unconstitutional because only Congress has
the authority to declare war. It is unnecessary
because Iraq was no threat to the United States.
It is immoral because it was based on lies. It is
unjust because it is not defensive. It is
senseless because over 2,400 U.S. soldiers have
died in vain. But this war is also unscriptural,
and, because I am a Christian - a conservative
evangelical Christian - I intend this to be the
focus of my remarks.
The percentage of Americans who identify their
religion as Christianity is higher than that
needed in Congress to pass a constitutional
amendment or override a presidential veto. The
percentage of members of Congress who identify
themselves as Christian is even higher. But as we
have now passed the third anniversary of the
invasion of Iraq, support for the war among
Christian Americans continues, funding for the war
by a Christian Congress continues, and
justification for the war by a Christian president
continues. And we wonder why Muslims hate us?
The subject I want to address is Christianity and
the war. What does Christianity have to say about
this war? What should the attitude of Christians
be toward this war?
If there is any religion that should be opposed to
war it is Christianity. And if there is any group
of people in America that should be opposed to war
it is Christians. All wars are, in the words of
George Washington, a "plague of mankind," but this
war in particular is a great evil. Waging the war
is against Christian "just war" principles.
Conducting the war is contrary to the whole spirit
of the New Testament. Fighting the war is in
opposition to the practice of the early church.
Participants in the war violate the express
teaching of the sixth commandment: "Thou shalt not
kill." Supporters of the war violate the first
commandment: "Thou shalt have no other gods before
me."
Waging this war is against every Christian "just
war" principle that has ever been formulated. A
just war must have a just cause, be in proportion
to the gravity of the situation, have obtainable
objectives, be preceded by a public declaration,
be declared only by legitimate authority, and only
be undertaken as a last resort. If there was ever
a war that violated every one of these principles
it is this war.
The only just cause for war is a defensive one,
but this war is clearly both preemptive and
offensive. Governments never find this to be a
problem, however, and routinely offer up a myriad
of reasons why their particular cause is just.
Propaganda and demonization of the enemy play a
large part in garnering public support for the
war. But contrary to government propaganda, it
really is just as simple as G. K. Chesterton once
said: "The only defensible war is a war of
defense."
The "shock and awe" campaign waged by American
forces is certainly out of proportion to the
gravity of the situation considering that Iraq - a
country with no navy or air force and an economy
in ruins after a decade of sanctions - was never a
threat to the United States. Iraq was merely the
new enemy the U.S. military/industrial complex
selected after the end of the Cold War.
What were our objectives in this war? Finding
weapons of mass destruction? Removing Saddam
Hussein? Enforcing UN resolutions? If one stated
objective was found to be a lie another could
quickly be offered in its place. The number and
scope of these objectives shows that there were no
legitimate objectives. So why did we invade and
occupy Iraq? A student at the University of
Illinois documented 27 reasons put forth by the
Bush administration or war hawks in Congress
before the war began. There have been even more
since then. A report issued by the U.S. House of
Representatives Committee on Government Reform
found that Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Powell, and
Rice made a total of 237 misleading statements in
a two-year period about the threat posed by Iraq.
And unlike some members of Congress who do not
read the bills they vote on, I have read the
report.
A public declaration is for the purpose of giving
fair warning and an opportunity for conflict
resolution - not a rubber stamp on something that
was already in the works.
Was the Iraq war declared by legitimate authority?
Since when does Congress have the authority to
delegate its congressional war-making authority to
the president? As the "father of the
Constitution," James Madison, has said: "The
Constitution expressly and exclusively vests in
the Legislature the power of declaring a state of
war [and] the power of raising armies. A
delegation of such powers [to the president] would
have struck, not only at the fabric of our
Constitution, but at the foundation of all well
organized and well checked governments." And is
our authority to go to war the Constitution or the
United Nations? The "Joint Resolution to Authorize
the Use of United States Armed Forces Against
Iraq" that was issued in October of 2002 mentions
the UN twenty-one times but the U.S. Constitution
only twice.
Was the war in Iraq undertaken as a last resort?
Hardly. As I just said, it was in the works. All
that was needed was the "Pearl Harbor" of
September 11th to give it some semblance of
credibility.
But not only is this war against Christian "just
war" principles, conducting this war is contrary
to the whole spirit of the New Testament. Although
the Bible likens Christians to soldiers, and the
Christian life to a battle, the Christian's
weapons are not carnal and his battle is a
spiritual one. The Christian is admonished to "put
on the whole armor of God." His only weapon is
"the sword of the spirit, which is the word of
God." Avoiding conflict and strife and seeking to
do good are recurrent themes in the New Testament;
for example: "See that none render evil for evil
unto any man; but ever follow that which is good."
If there was anything at all advocated by the
early Christians it was peace, as we again read in
the New Testament: "Live peaceably with all men."
These themes used to be on the lips of Christian
ministers. Back before the Civil War, a Baptist
minister writing in The Christian Review
demonstrated that Christian war fever was contrary
to the New Testament:
Christianity requires us to seek to amend the
condition of man. But war cannot do this. The
world is no better for all the wars of five
thousand years. Christianity, if it prevailed,
would make the earth a paradise. War, where it
prevails, makes it a slaughter-house, a den of
thieves, a brothel, a hell. Christianity cancels
the laws of retaliation. War is based upon that
very principle. Christianity is the remedy for all
human woes. War produces every woe known to man.
Another Baptist minister, writing in the same
publication, lamented about the terrible truth of
Christian participation in war:
War has ever been the scourge of the human race.
The history of the past is little else than a
chronicle of deadly feuds, irreconcilable hate,
and exterminating warfare. The extension of
empire, the love of glory, and thirst for fame,
have been more fatal to men than famine or
pestilence, or the fiercest elements of nature.
The trappings and tinsel of war, martial prowess,
and military heroism, have, in all ages, been
venerated and lauded to the skies. And what is
more sad and painful, many of the wars whose
desolating surges have deluged the earth, have
been carried on in the name and under the sanction
of those who profess the name of Christ.
One of the most celebrated preachers of all time,
the Englishman Charles Spurgeon, known as "the
prince of preachers," remarked about Christianity
and War:
The Church of Christ is continually represented
under the figure of an army; yet its Captain is
the Prince of Peace; its object is the
establishment of peace, and its soldiers are men
of a peaceful disposition. The spirit of war is at
the extremely opposite point to the spirit of the
gospel.
If there is any war in history that is contrary to
the whole spirit of the New Testament it is this
one. All adherents of Christianity, of any creed
or denomination, should be opposed to this war. So
why aren't they? Much of the blame must be laid at
the feet of the pastors, preachers, and priests
who have failed to discern the truth and educate
their congregations. We need ministers who are as
concerned about killing on the battlefield as they
are about killing in the womb.
But not only is this war against Christian "just
war" principles and contrary to the whole spirit
of the New Testament, fighting this war is in
opposition to the practice of the early church.
Not only did the early Christians, following the
example of the Lord himself, refuse to advance
their ideals by political or coercive means, they
condemned war in the abstract and did not
participate in the state's wars. Lactantius
describes Christians as "those who are ignorant of
wars, who preserve concord with all, who are
friends even to their enemies, who love all men as
brothers, who know how to curb anger and soften
with quiet moderation every madness of the mind."
According to John Cadoux, the author of the
definitive investigation of the early Christian
attitude toward war and military service:
The early Christians took Jesus at his word, and
understood his inculcations of gentleness and
non-resistance in their literal sense. They
closely identified their religion with peace; they
strongly condemned war for the bloodshed which it
involved; they appropriated to themselves the Old
Testament prophecy which foretold the
transformation of the weapons of war into the
implements of agriculture; they declared that it
was their policy to return good for evil and to
conquer evil with good.
The early Christian aversion to war was revived
and amplified in the Reformation age by the
celebrated Dutch humanist, Erasmus. Although he
lived many centuries ago, Erasmus's age was not
unlike our own. Wars and international conflict
were the order of the day. Contention was brewing
between the West and the Muslim world. According
to Erasmus, the only just and necessary war was a
"purely defensive" one to "repel the violence of
invaders." And because he believed that war is by
"nature such a plague to man that even if it is
undertaken by a just prince in a totally just
cause, the wickedness of captains and soldiers
results in almost more evil than good," Erasmus
insisted that "all other expedients must be tried
before war is begun; no matter how serious nor how
just the cause." He chastised Christians for
reproaches vomited out against Christ by nations
of unbelievers "when they see his professed
followers" warring "with more destructive
instruments of mutual murder than pagans could
ever find in their hearts to use." Erasmus also
recognized that rulers incite war "to use it as a
means to exercise their tyranny over their
subjects more easily." As our Founding Father
James Madison has said: "If tyranny and oppression
come to this land, it will be in the guise of
fighting a foreign enemy." The authority of the
legislature and the force of law that thwart
government power in peacetime quickly diminish
during times of war. "Once war is declared," says
Erasmus, "the whole business of the state is
subject to the will of a few." He even noted how
the issues of national security and public safety
were used by the government to elicit support for
war. Although Erasmus had never heard of George W.
Bush, he nevertheless remarked in his The
Education of a Christian Prince that "it happens
sometimes that princes enter into mutual
agreements and carry on a war on trumped-up
grounds so as to reduce still more the power of
the people and secure their own positions through
disaster to their subjects." Here again is
Madison: "Of all the enemies to public liberty,
war is perhaps the most to be dreaded because it
comprises and develops the germ of every other.
War is the parent of armies; from these proceed
debts and taxes; and armies, and debts, and taxes
are the known instruments for bringing the many
under the domination of the few." Would the
Founding Fathers even recognize the bloated
monstrosity we call the federal government - a
government that spies on its citizens, confiscates
30 to 40 percent of their income, and regulates
every part of their life?
Participants in this war violate the express
teaching of the sixth commandment: "Thou shalt not
kill." I have been told that this commandment does
not apply to killing in war. Not to killing in a
just war or a defensive war, but to killing in
war. The result of this warped reasoning is the
teaching that if even the war in Iraq is
unconstitutional, senseless, immoral, and
unnecessary, Christians can still in good
conscience join the military and go to Iraq to
bomb, maim, interrogate, and kill for the state
simply because the state says so. U.S. soldiers
killing for the state in Iraq cannot claim to be
acting in self-defense because the war itself was
not for self-defense. It was an act of naked
aggression that was supposed to be a cakewalk, but
it backfired with disastrous results for the
United States. Is killing someone in a foreign
country instead of on U.S. soil what distinguishes
killing from self-defense and murder? Or is it the
wearing of a uniform?
There has persisted throughout history, quite
unfortunately, the idea among some Christians that
mass killing in war is acceptable, but killing of
one's neighbor violates the sixth commandment. I
have termed this Humpty Dumpty approach. We can
see this attitude in the ancient Romans. The
aforementioned Lactantius said of the Romans of
his day:
The more men they have afflicted, despoiled, and
slain, the more noble and renowned do they think
themselves; and, captured by the appearance of
empty glory, they give the name of excellence to
their crimes. Now I would rather that they should
make gods for themselves from the slaughter of
wild beasts than that they should approve of an
immortality so bloody. If any one has slain a
single man, he is regarded as contaminated and
wicked, nor do they think it right that he should
be admitted to this earthly dwelling of the gods.
But he who has slaughtered endless thousands of
men, deluged the fields with blood, and infected
rivers with it, is admitted not only to a temple,
but even to heaven.
Writing before Lactantius, Cyprian speaks of the
idea held by some that "homicide is a crime when
individuals commit it, but it is called a virtue,
when it is carried on publicly." Erasmus addressed
his fellow Christians about this same thing, and
Charles Spurgeon has likewise said:
If there be anything which this book denounces
and counts the hugest of all crimes, it is the
crime of war. Put up thy sword into thy sheath,
for hath not he said, "Thou shalt not kill," and
he meant not that it was a sin to kill one but a
glory to kill a million, but he meant that
bloodshed on the smallest or largest scale was
sinful.
Supporters of this war also violate the first
commandment: "Thou shalt have no other gods before
me." Many American Christians have a warped "God
and Country" complex which inevitably elevates the
state to the level of God Almighty. If the state
dictates that an intervention, invasion, or war is
necessary then by God we must support the
president and the troops no matter what. But the
government of the United States and Christianity
is a most unholy alliance. It has been soundly
argued by the Foundation for Economic Education
president, Richard Ebeling that "there has been no
greater threat to life, liberty, and property
throughout the ages than government. Even the most
violent and brutal private individuals have been
able to inflict only a mere fraction of the harm
and destruction that have been caused by the use
of power by political authorities."
When it comes to defending, believing in the
legitimacy of, and carrying out the evil dictates
of the state, Christians are under a higher
authority. There are numerous examples of this in
the Bible that the Christian can look to, like the
Hebrew midwives, who were commanded by the state
to kill any newborn sons, but because they "feared
God," they disregarded the command of the king.
Christian warmongers are idolaters, as the famed
Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises wrote in
Omnipotent Government:
Modern war is not a war of royal armies. It is a
war of the peoples, a total war. It is a war of
states which do not leave to their subjects any
private sphere; they consider the whole population
a part of the armed forces. Whoever does not fight
must work for the support and equipment of the
army. Army and people are one and the same. The
citizens passionately participate in the war. For
it is their state, their God, who fights.
The attitude of the Christian toward the state
should be no different now than it was in the days
of the apostles. Peter and John were brought
before the authorities and asked: "Did not we
straitly command you that ye should not teach in
this name? And, behold, ye have filled Jerusalem
with your doctrine, and intend to bring this man's
blood upon us." It was then that the apostles
uttered that immortal line: "We ought to obey God
rather than men."
There is much more that could be said in
opposition to this war besides the fact that it is
contrary to every precept of Christianity. It was
based on lies. It has created more terrorists than
existed before the war. It has increased religious
tension around the globe. It has done irreparable
harm to the Middle East peace process. It has
increased the hatred of America and Americans the
world over. It has cost the taxpayers of this
country over $200 billion, plus billions more for
the forgotten war in Afghanistan. It has hurt the
reputation of evangelical Christianity among
non-Christians because of Christian support for
the war. It is against the noninterventionist
foreign policy of the Founding Fathers. It has
wasted the lives of over 2,400 American soldiers.
It has horribly wounded thousands more American
soldiers. It has caused American families untold
grief over their dead loved ones.
There can be no doubt whatsoever that this war is
abhorrent to Christianity. The attitude of each
individual Christian toward this war should be
likewise. Unfortunately, however, this is not the
case. Why? Why do some Christians continue to
defend, tolerate, or make excuses for this unjust,
immoral, and unscriptural war?
Here are five reasons why I think some Christians
continue to support this war.
First, the September 11th terrorist attacks. Some
Americans, including Christians I have talked to,
continue to believe that Iraq was behind the
September 11th attacks - even though the president
himself now says otherwise.
Second, support for the nation of Israel.
Evangelical Christians, as am I, are typically
supporters of Israel, as am I. But what they fail
to realize is that the nation of Israel is not the
government of Israel - a corrupt government
propped up by billions of dollars in U.S. foreign
aid. And Iraq was no threat to Israel anyway.
Third, the religion of Islam. Some Christians are
indifferent toward the war because it is just
Muslims who are being killed. But what about the
blood of over 2,400 dead American soldiers? Does
killing Muslim infidels make their sacrifice worth
it?
Fourth, the military. There is an unholy alliance
between evangelical Christians and the military.
Yet, the military in its present form does little
to actually defend the country. Why isn't the U.S.
military guarding our borders and patrolling our
coasts instead of guarding the borders and
patrolling the coasts of other countries? The
president recently called for the stationing of
some National Guard troops along our border with
Mexico. It is too bad these troops sent to guard
the Mexican border weren't taken out of Iraq.
And fifth, the conservative movement and the
Republican Party. Many Christians, who by nature
are conservative people, are in bed with the
conservative wing of the Republican Party. But
this is clearly a case of spiritual adultery. I am
sorry to say that Conservatives have of late been
known for their readiness to engage in military
adventure throughout the world and the fact that
they never met a federal program they didn't like
as long as it furthered their agenda. Conservatism
is fast becoming a movement that puts love of the
state and its leader above all else, including
liberty. Lew Rockwell, president of the Ludwig von
Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, has
brilliantly summarized what is wrong with modern
conservatism:
The problem with American conservatism is that
it hates the left more than the state, loves the
past more than liberty, feels a greater attachment
to nationalism than to the idea of
self-determination, believes brute force is the
answer to all social problems, and thinks it is
better to impose truth rather than risk losing one
soul to heresy. It has never understood the idea
of freedom as a self-ordering principle of
society. It has never seen the state as the enemy
of what conservatives purport to favor. It has
always looked to presidential power as the saving
grace of what is right and true about America.
The Republican Party has historically been the
party of militarism, big government, plunder,
compromises, and sellouts. Not in his wildest
dreams could Lyndon Johnson have ever imagined his
Democratic-controlled Congress increasing total
spending or the rate of increase in spending as
much as George Bush and his Republican-controlled
Congress have done. And he too was fighting a war.
I do believe that the support of Christian
evangelicals for the president and his war is
waning. Perhaps it is not out of principle, but at
least support for this war has diminished somewhat
(although gullible Christians can be counted on to
support the next intervention or war if a
Republican president undertakes it). But it is a
blight on Christianity that many of those who
continue to support Bush and his war are
evangelical Christians. To their everlasting
shame, I suspect that it is evangelical Christians
who will support Bush until the bitter end - no
matter how many more U.S. soldiers are killed, no
matter long the war continues, no matter how many
more billions of dollars are wasted, and no matter
what outrages the president commits against the
Constitution, the rule of law, and Christianity
itself.
What, then, should be done? We should immediately
withdraw our forces from Iraq, not because the war
is not going as planned, not because we have
suffered too many casualties, not because we have
removed Saddam Hussein, not because we have
accomplished our mission, not because there are
too many insurgents, and not because Iraq had an
election. We should withdraw our troops because
the war was a monstrous wrong from the very
beginning. How many more dead American soldiers
and billions of dollars will it take before we
finally say enough is enough? How many more dead
American soldiers and billions of dollars will it
take before the members of Congress say enough is
enough? King Solomon, the wisest man who ever
lived, said that there was "a time of war." This,
my fellow Americans, is not the time.
June 3, 2006
Laurence M. Vance [send him mail] is a freelance
writer and an adjunct instructor in accounting and
economics at Pensacola Junior College in
Pensacola, FL. He is also the director of the
Francis Wayland Institute. His new book is
Christianity and War and Other Essays Against the
Warfare State. Visit his website.
http://www.vancepublications.com/
Copyright © 2006 LewRockwell.com
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